White Paper on
Foreign Policy for the 21st Century
November 28, 1999
I. Foreword
Diplomacy in the twentieth
century is comprised of the two World Wars, the establishment of two systems of collective
peace and security, the antagonism between democracy and authoritarianism, alliances and
coalitions among powers, and the end of the Cold War. Taiwan's diplomacy, especially since
the advent of the Cold War, has sought survival in between these turbulent fluctuations.
Although antagonistic ideologies
have ceased, and there are higher expectations for long-term global peace, the beginning
of the post-Cold War era does not at all imply the formation of a new order of world
peace. On the contrary, members of the world community are so caught up with the Cold-War
thinking that the sudden disruption of the rigid bipolar logic has only led to chaos in
this period prior to the reconstruction of a new world order. Debates on the so-called
"trends of globalization" and "sovereignty of the nation-state", as
well as the other ideologies of newly arising communities, are challenging the realism
that traditionally has focused on political and military affairs as the main themes of
international relationships.
Taiwan stands at the crossroads of this international
restructuring.
In light of harsh challenges at
the beginning of the next century, the DPP believes that Taiwan should not just passively
follow the currents of the international situation. Instead, the DPP maintains that we
should start to change the old thinking that has guided Taiwan's existing diplomatic
practices, by redefining Taiwan's new role in the world community and rationally
articulating Taiwan's national interests. Then
we must proceed to remodel Taiwan's new strategies for foreign policy.
By proposing the Foreign Policy
for the 21st Century, the DPP attempts to highlight the central role of
"new internationalism" that promotes overall participation in international
affairs, and to depict Taiwan as a "loyal supporter of constructing the world
order." Premised on protecting Taiwan's
sovereignty, Taiwan must seek a “new middle way” between national and economic
security.
In order to break through
Taiwan's diplomatic stagnation, we must scrutinize the diverse contradictions and
conflicts inherent in the trends of the world system's development in the twenty-first
century, and seek creative strategies that can both exploit Taiwan's advantages and expand
the international space. A flexible and visionary "pluralist diplomacy" is what
the DPP offers for the twenty-two million people of Taiwan.
To enhance the welfare of the
people, the new president of twenty-first century Taiwan must have a comprehensive
understanding of the new challenges of international affairs. As a new president with a
lucid insight into the historical situation, with a courage to take responsibility, and to
see Taiwan's national interests as the supreme goal, the DPP's candidate is prepared to
meet the unprecedented challenges for Taiwan's diplomacy in the next century.
It is ten
years since the end of the Cold War, and the global politico and economic structure has
gone through many qualitative and quantitative transformations. Militarily, some major
countries are playing the games of re-alignment and confrontation, engaging and
containing. Economically, the world is evolving towards a global village that consists of
regional economic blocks. Politically, liberal democracy is becoming the world's
mainstream value. More importantly, the increasing renovation and rapid development of
information technology introduces an enormous impact on the nature and development of
international relations. On the eve of the twentieth-first century, the implementation of
international relations requires maintaining the traditional idea of sovereignty and the
basic features of power balance, while at the same time manifesting the new phenomena of
trans-boundary globalism. Moreover, besides these general forces that guide the operation
of the international system, there is also a drive for "global civil society"
promoted by NGO's, which is intensively intervening in the network of the global political
economy.
These
features of the global society bring in both challenges and opportunities for Taiwan's
diplomatic development in the next century.
From a macro-perspective, the
beginning of the twenty-first century international system will be characterized by a
collapse of the old order and reconstruction of the new. The major themes of the next
century's international order will consist of the following crucial contradictions and
challenges:
1. “The rise
of the globalized market" vs. "the continuance of poverty";
2. “The global village" vs. "singular
nationalism";
3. “Alliance
and coalition of big nations" vs. "self-protection of small nations";
4. “Infiltration
of cultural imperialism" vs. "diverse cultural values";
5. “Increasing
demand for democratic reform" vs. "corrupted despotism";
6. “Common
concern for security issues" vs. "rogue states";
7. “Astonishing progress in the technological
industry" vs. "worries about the green-house effect and climate
transformations";
8. “Increasing international calls for
protection of human rights" vs. " authoritarian suppression."
In light of these international
contradictions and conflicts, Taiwan's international vision and role have to be
re-scrutinized and re-adjusted, in order to find a balanced "new middle way" and
broader diplomatic space in the rivalries of diverse forces. As a "small
country" in the traditional sense, Taiwan must now come to terms with repositioning
its international role and readjusting its diplomatic strategies. Whether or not Taiwan can escape from its passivity
such as its dependence on a super-power during the Cold War, or if it can take advantage
of its own strengths by expanding independent and autonomous diplomatic space to form more
extensive and more reliable international cooperation, is an important consideration for
developing Taiwan's new thinking in diplomacy.
II. The Flaws in the Current Foreign
Policy
Taiwan is
the world's fourteenth largest trading nation, with its manufacturing output spread
throughout the world. Taiwan's foreign exchange reserves approaches US$100 billion. Taiwan
also has an enormous investment in the People's Republic of China and Southeast Asian
countries and acts as one of the largest foreign investors in these nations. Besides its
economic miracle, the island of Taiwan has also produced impressive and rapid political
democratization. While the international community acclaims Taiwan for its economic
developments and democratic political accomplishments, Taiwan is not allowed the dignity
of a nation. Taiwan's diplomatic situation is very much like that of an orphan in the
international community.
Taiwan's
present diplomatic predicament in the international community should be accounted for
mostly by the foreign policy mistakes under the Kuomintang's long-term rule. During the
Cold War period, the ROC maintained a seat in the UN's Security Council under the support
of the US. In the end of the 1960s and the
beginning of 1970s, in order to balance the Soviet Union by affiliating with Beijing, the
US played the “China card” which eventually resulted in the ROC's faltering
position in the UN. At the same time, instead of clearly recognizing changes of the
international situation and reacting promptly to maintain a seat in the UN Assembly, the
Kuomintang kept insisting on the position of " us or them", which led to the
ousting of Chiang Kai-shek's delegates from the UN. Also due to the policy of "us or
them", the number of countries having formal diplomatic relationships with ROC
gradually dwindled. The US formal recognition
and establishment of diplomatic ties with the PRC triggered a swift defeat of Taiwan in
the diplomatic field.
Under the
Chinese communists' relentless obstructions, Taiwan faced major difficulties getting
established and recognized in the international arena. The ruling Kuomintang, however, was
unwilling to highlight Taiwan's independent sovereignty; instead, it proclaimed Taiwan to
be a so-called "political entity" under one China, and established "The
National Unification Council" and ratified the "Guidelines for National
Unification" to determine Chinese unification as the sole option for Taiwan's future.
Taiwan, under the Kuomintang's rule, has not only debased itself as part of China, but has
a political structure filled with absurd arrangements which obscures the nation's status
and hinders the cohesion of Taiwanese national identity.
Recently
President Lee claimed that the cross-strait tie is a "special State-to-State
relationship." Although this timely claim highlights the significant political
reality of Taiwan as an independent sovereign nation, the entanglement between the ROC and
the PRC on sovereignty was not clarified or dissolved.
The policy of "one China respectively interpreted by each side" or
"one China in the future" still reveals the poverty and awkwardness of the
Kuomintang's "One China" principle.
The
misleading "One China" myth has handicapped capable Taiwanese diplomats, turned
away international sympathy, and diluted overseas Taiwanese support. It has wasted ROC investments in foreign affairs
and brought Taiwan diplomacy to a dead end. As
a result, Taiwan's current foreign policy is often made in consideration of short-term
interests and political gains, falling into a contest on the countries with diplomatic
recognition and bringing the government under the labels of "money diplomacy"
and "spendthrift diplomacy."
In other
words, the diplomatic hardships of Taiwan have in part resulted from the following
mistakes:
1. The direction
of Taiwan’s foreign policy has been determined by cross-Strait interaction. Thus the implementation of our diplomacy has often
fallen unwittingly into a reactive pattern, merely responding to Chinese actions. This is
a zero-sum game, or a meaningless competition over the number of formal diplomatic
partners.
2. The process of
making Taiwan’s foreign policy has been usually dominated by passive reaction to
international forces; it has lacked a proactive ability to identify and analyze future
international trends.
3. Taiwan’s
foreign policy has overemphasized short-term results, while neglecting the importance of
long-term management.
4. Taiwan’s
diplomatic practice has overemphasized traditional, formal diplomatic relations, while
overlooking non-traditional diplomatic work.
5. The
implementation of Taiwan’s foreign policy has been unable to rise above the
constraints of the old-style bureaucratic culture, wasting precious resources on catering
to the needs of Taiwanese politicians visiting abroad.
III. The
Principles of Taiwan's New-Century Foreign Policy
Conceptualizing
a foreign policy that would enable Taiwan to meet the challenges of the next century
requires not only the consideration of Taiwan's own strengths and advantages, but also on
the redefinition of Taiwan's new international role. Taiwan's strengths include a
prosperous and self-sufficient economic outlook, a stable and progressive political
democracy, the rapid advancement of technological capacities, and friendly and vibrant
civil society. Even under China's constant constriction of formal international space,
Taiwan's strengths can still sustain opportunities to make our presence in the
international community.
Taiwan is
unfairly excluded from many international organizations. But as an important member in the
international community, Taiwan should commit itself, as a sovereign nation, to abide by
the UN Charter and various international conventions, and to exercise its proper rights
and obligations by contributing to world peace and development.
(1) "Taiwan's New International Role" based on
"New Internationalism"
Taiwan is
a small nation, and Taiwan cannot afford to draw on isolationist, self-centered
conservative thinking. Nor should Taiwan be
obsessed with the issue of sovereignty and thus passively subject itself to the rules of
the game played by the great powers. Rather, simply because Taiwan has very limited
recourses to count on, it should explore various channels to intensively open battlefields
outside of the international mainstream establishment. The principle of
"new-internationalism" actually consists of pragmatic strategies such as the
extensive participation in international activities, and the focus on establishing
sustainable, long-term friendships.
Through a
new internationalist outlook, Taiwan can act as a member of the international community,
entering those international organizations that uphold peace, advocate security, sustain
prosperity, support human rights, protect the environment, and provide humanitarian aid. Under an internationalist principle, Taiwan's new
role will be one of the "loyal supporter of the world order" who respects the
world's mainstream values, actively engages in international interactions, and extensively
participates in various levels of international affairs, instead of being a "trouble
maker".
Inherent
in Taiwan's new internationalist role is another advantage, overcoming the problem of the
forced placement of cross-strait policy over foreign policy. This problem has caused an imbalance and
restricted the development of Taiwan's international relations.
The most
salient feature of the current international system is the increasing blurring of national
borders and the evolving concept of national sovereignty. The interaction between nations
no longer relies solely on the maintenance of formal, official relationships. The rise of
"non-governmental organizations" (NGOs) and the lurking prominence of the
international civil society, signifies that the international diplomatic arena in the
post-Cold War era has gone beyond the boundaries of purely military and political affairs,
to emphasize economy, environmental protection, human rights, and trade. Investing in
these latter categories may not produce immediate results. But under the present distress,
in which sovereignty is a pretext for China's constant threats and suppression of
international sympathy, Taiwan's foreign policy must transform to be more comprehensive
and pluralistic.
"New
internationalism" is precisely the diplomatic framework that can both meet the
world's expectations and Taiwan's needs for broadening the international space. Since NGO activities in the international community
are augmenting and exerting comprehensive influence across the spheres of politics,
economics, human rights, trade, military, and environmental protection, Taiwan should
think about how to establish long-term and stable partnerships with international NGO's.
In other words, international activities that are not politically sensitive or subject to
debates of sovereignty, allow Taiwan to play the role of a "sincere and active
participant" and to replace the mistaken impression of being a "trouble
maker."
(2)
Normalized Diplomatic Relationships Focused on National Security and Economic Security
In the
next century, Taiwan's national interests will include "independent and autonomous
national sovereignty" and "economic security" that centers on
"national security."
One of
the trends in the post-Cold War era is the prevalence of globalization and the impact the
information-communication revolution has on international trade and economy.
Globalization, however, also generates the debate about the relative importance of
"international interdependence" and "national sovereignty." Although
globalization shortens the distance between nations, transcends national boundaries,
enhances national competitiveness and accelerates the transmission of information, it also
gives rise to the "clashes of civilizations" that result from nationalism,
racial discrimination, and regionalism. It will be the responsibility of Taiwan's leaders
in the next century to seek a balance between the trends of globalization and
cross-boundary interests on the one hand, and the protection of Taiwan's sovereignty on
the other.
Taiwan is
situated in between conflicting international trends: Under the enormous threat of China,
Taiwan cannot compromise its independent national security interest, but at the same time,
Taiwan must also enhance economic interests in the context of global markets.
The DPP's
proposition of the "new middle way" as core concept of our foreign policy
sufficiently incorporates the post-Cold War world's mainstream values and reflects a new
thinking that stresses "economic" and "national" security
concurrently. On the eve of the twenty-first century, national competitiveness no longer
should be judged by the size of the territory or the number of population. Rather, efficiency and vitality in government is
key. Only such a government can respond to a
rapidly changing world.
We must
clearly define Taiwan's "national interests" and pursue a balanced "middle
way" between "independent national sovereignty," "national
security," and "economic development." This
middle way must also forge the consensus and solidarity of the people. Based on the
principles of parity and mutual benefit, the goal is to strive for the peace of humanity
by allying with nations that seek peace, respecting international justice, and upholding
liberal democracy. Taiwan must fulfill the obligations of the world community's members
and abide by international law to establish with all nations legal codes of interaction,
so that the rights of Taiwanese people can be protected internationally. The DPP proposes to take such a genuine pragmatic
line to win for Taiwan a broader diplomatic space in the international arena.
Thus, the
primary goal for our national foreign policy is to transform the abnormal foreign
relationships Taiwan currently holds and strive for normalized treatment by the
international community. Taiwan is willing to respect and fulfill the proper obligations
and rights of the sovereign state, and play an active role as an integral partner in
maintaining global peace. To promote
sustainable global economic prosperity, Taiwan is further obliged to utilize its own
strengths to strive for the stability and development of international finance and
economy.
(3)
Pluralistic Diplomacy as a Strategy for Comprehensive Participation in the International
Community
Taiwan must be out in the world. Taiwan must actively participate in the
international community. Taiwan must improve its ties with China. A strengthened foreign
policy is the bedrock for the fulfillment of these three goals. Once these three goals are illuminated, Taiwan can
pursue a "pluralist" diplomatic strategy in foreign policy. Given the international reality and China's menace,
Taiwan's foreign policy for the twenty-first century must be founded on a new strategic
framework with dynamic tactics.
For
Taiwan’s leaders to break through the Chinese obstructions and visit the United
States and other major countries is naturally not without significance; however, it cannot
be a substitute for Taiwan’s genuine “getting out.” Moreover, the exact
number of countries with which we maintain diplomatic relations is not the sole measure of
our diplomatic achievement, nor does it represent the degree to which we are a part of
international society.
* The Genuine Meaning of "Taiwan Goes
Out"
The real
significance of “Taiwan getting out” is in moving beyond the narrow focus on
political interests to a focus on creating long-term, stable relationships. For example,
while Taiwan is managing its relationships with the major powers, we should also carefully
consider the possibility of developing relationships with selected smaller but nonetheless
important powers, such as the Benelux and Scandinavian countries, which might not be
global powers but are influential in their regions. Although these countries cannot
immediately establish formal ties with us, they are more independent of Chinese pressure. On issues such as human rights or trade, they have
proven able to insist on their fundamental principles.
* The Concrete Steps to Integrate Taiwan into the
International Society
In addition
to outlining foreign policy preferences, the essential strategy for Taiwan’s active
participation in international society also includes placing a new emphasis on
“non-traditional diplomatic work,” recognizing that the maintenance of formal
diplomatic relations is no longer the only focus of diplomacy. Taking advantage of
Taiwan’s relatively abundant resources, we should actively engage in such activities
as humanitarian relief, cultural exchange, sharing experience with democratization and
economic development, joint development of natural resources, economic and trade
cooperation, party and local government diplomacy, and international NGO activities. All
of these, taken together, should form part of our overall diplomatic picture.
*
The Purpose of Improving Taiwan-China Relations
The main
purpose of improving Taiwan-China relations is to show Taiwan's sincerity in maintaining a
stable and peaceful cross-strait status, to reduce Beijing's hostility towards Taiwan, to
abolish the political sensitivity in interacting with other members in the international
community, so as to achieve comprehensive and pluralistic diplomatic relations. Because
China strives to prevent the Taiwan issue from being internationalized, the "China
factor" has in the past dominated the agenda of Taiwan’s foreign policy making,
thus creating a "zero-sum" scenario in the relationship. Taiwan must replace the
ambiguous tone of "balancing cross-strait relationships and diplomatic
practices," with "active participation in regional organizations" such as
those of Asia-Pacific region, so that the “China factor” can be subsumed under a
larger framework.
* The Main Consideration in Strengthening the
Foreign Policy
The main
consideration in strengthening foreign policy is that in the ever-changing global dynamics
of the new century, if the implementation of diplomacy is mainly guided by internal
politics and overly concerned with the issue of national sovereignty while neglecting the
overall management of long-term relationships, foreign policy will appear incoherent and
will not sufficiently address true interests of Taiwan.
Faced with the challenges of the evolving new world order, the next leader's
challenge is to employ continuity and find a balance between domestic public opinion
support and long-term national interest.
To
achieve this goal, the new Taiwan leader is obliged to cultivate national awareness and
provide citizens with the correct information and communication channels on foreign
affairs, so that "public opinion" can become an active participant, rather than
a passive receiver of notification, in the making of foreign policy. Foreign policy should
no longer be made behind closed doors, but become subject to public debate. Therefore, the
government should try to regularly engage in communication and negotiations with the
opposition parties, while openly explain to people the nation's diplomatic situation and
strategies. This will help facilitate public and political support in the process of
policy-making, and provide national confidence to face the suppression from China.
* Understanding
the Pluralistic Global Structure
An
important feature of today's international situation is pluralistic interdependency, in
which issues are interconnected, nations influence each other, and the making of foreign
policy relies not only on a traditional up-to-down regulative approach, but a bottom-up
means. Cross-border exchanges have reached an unprecedented level, both quantitatively and
qualitatively. In light of this international
trend, the target of diplomacy must not be limited to traditional official relationships,
but should start to take a more pluralistic, multifaceted perspective. Meanwhile, focused
resource utilization should be used to break through China's grand diplomatic containment.
Using guerrilla tactics to seek out possible diplomatic relationships or allies is an
efficient strategy for Taiwan's attack-defense diplomatic engagement with China.
* The Use of Dynamic, Diversified Strategies
Taiwan
should widely participate in the international community, not only by pursuing entry into
the UN and other governmental organizations to gain international recognition, but Taiwan
must also endeavor to enter and participate in the countless international NGO's that
exist today. The aim of promoting the entry
into international NGOs is to counteract China's attempt to turn the cross-strait problem
into one of China's internal affairs. Besides, as international NGOs play a more and more
significant role, they become an important arena in which Taiwan can enhance its
international position and influence. Given the impressive number of governmental and
non-governmental organizations in the world, it is practically impossible for China to
implement complete and comprehensive containment. Therefore, we should extensively
research the functions, regulations, membership, etc. of various international
organizations and figure out the ways to participate. If the government can also
incorporate the forces of private non-governmental organizations, the country's
international position and visibility will be elevated.
IV. Strategies
of Taiwan's New-Century Foreign Policy
Faced
with the new century's challenges and contradictions, and reflecting on the myths of past
foreign policy and practices, Taiwan's new-century foreign policy should be
internationalist in orientation, with active and comprehensive participation in the
international community. Given the principles
provided above, Taiwan's tactics could take the following forms: Democracy diplomacy,
neighborhood diplomacy, civilian diplomacy, humanitarian diplomacy, and environmental
diplomacy.
1. Democracy diplomacy
The
collapse of the Soviet Union and the transformation of Eastern Europe mark the end of the
East-West Cold War confrontation, and the inauguration of a new era that revolves around
freedom, democracy, and human rights as mainstream values. The recent democratic
development of Taiwan coincides with this global trend; and this fact itself offers Taiwan
a great deal of resources in expanding international space. In view of this global trend,
we should advocate a diplomacy that focuses and upholds democracy: On the one hand, it is
to highlight the fact that Taiwan is a legitimate member of the international democratic
society; and on the other hand, in contrast, it is to reveal the true nature of China as a
rigid, authoritarian and aggressive state. We believe that only on the basis of common
values and convictions can a relationship be really substantial and lasting. Therefore we propose the following:
* Readjust
the traditional policy of foreign aid that mainly aims to bring political gains. Stress
"democracy and human rights" as the core principle of international
collaboration and foreign aid, in order to avoid the accusation of "money
diplomacy" or "spendthrift diplomacy."
* Encourage the private sector to engage in
international exchange and mutual learning, to work collaboratively to help promote
democracy in each society. This form of
diplomacy stresses grassroots involvement and ameliorates the problem of over-emphasis on
formal governmental interaction.
* Echo the international community's call for
"democratic peace", to firmly stand on the side of democracy and join the
international community's collective effort to promote the realization and development of
democratic institutions in every corner of the world, offering Taiwan's resources. Taiwan should strengthen its friendship with the
US and other countries and peoples who uphold freedom, democracy, and market economy. Based on the principle of parity and mutual
benefit, Taiwan must also promote relationships with other democratic developing
countries.
* Foreign affairs is an extension of
internal affairs. Stable development of
domestic politics a powerful base for diplomacy. Party alternation, or the peaceful change
in government between political parties, helps to realize true democratic politics. Thus, promoting domestic democratic reform by
enabling party alternation is an important cornerstone for democracy diplomacy.
2. Economic and Trade Diplomacy
Economic and trade
resources are the best assets to expand Taiwan's international engagements and to avoid
political disputes. Upon Taiwan's
participation in international economic institutions, Taiwan has already had opportunities
to negotiate with major powers on a bilateral and multilateral basis. Beyond existing bilateral trade, we must continue
to promote multilateral financial investment, trade and cooperation. We propose the following:
* Provide low interest loans and other
incentives and assistance to less developed countries
to develop domestic economic infrastructure and survive economic crises.
* Advance strategic imports according to
our domestic needs while simultaneously encourage investment abroad by providing the
necessary information and evaluations.
* Dispatch agricultural, technological, economic
expert groups to developing countries. For
example, help set up special manufacturing export zones to establish long-term
technological exchange and mutual interdependence.
* Assist other countries to cultivate various
expertise by providing Taiwan's experience, to enhance mutual understanding.
3. Neighborhood diplomacy
Taiwan and many Asia-Pacific countries have close economic
ties, and Taiwan is the leading investor in ASEAN countries. Furthermore, Taiwan's
security is closely linked with the peace and stability of this region. Diplomatically, however, Taiwan is like an
"orphan in Asia." Such a situation is detrimental to the region's peace and
stability. As an important member of Asia-Pacific regional community, Taiwan views the
prosperity and stability of this area as a vital concern. Taiwan must take full advantage
of its own political and economic resources to expand the relationship with these
countries and create an Asian environment that is conducive to Taiwan's. We propose the
following:
* Economic cooperation: Taiwan must assist the
Asia-Pacific region in economic development, and cooperate to maintain the region's peace
and stability. Taiwan should pursue
multilateral economic cooperation; integrate capital, technologies, talents, resources, to
create demand and efficiency; further facilitate East Asia's economic recovery,
reestablish international financial order, and stabilize regional economic development;
and urge the Southeast Asian countries to enter into agreements with Taiwan on investment
protection and taxation, so as to advance the mutual benefits in a close economic and
investment relationship.
* Security Dialogue: The region's peace,
stability and development are Taiwan's chief priorities.
Taiwan must support the concept of “comprehensive security"
within the region and lower the possibility of conflict by exchange and dialogue, and by
promoting confidence-building mechanisms. Territorial disputes should be solved peacefully
and through multi-lateral efforts. The DPP is
opposed the use of force to resolve international entanglements, and we are against any
government’s suppression of the wishes of local inhabitants in settling disputes.
* Political Friendship: Stress the principle of
peaceful co-existence and regional integration, promote establishment of peace-promoting
structures, develop friendships with ASEAN countries, and reinforce relationships with key
players in the region, the US and Japan being the priority.
In accordance with spirit of the UN Charter, seek to develop friendships
with the region's countries and further establish political diplomatic relationships. Urge
Asian and South Pacific countries, and other countries having no formal ties with Taiwan,
to enable officials' visits and exchanges. Promote mutual understanding and trust, and
facilitate regional cooperation and development by establishing formal and informal
relationships with various governments.
* Social Exchange: Promote exchanges and
cooperation in the region among all sectors of society.
Encourage exchange of culture, technology, education, tourism, and business.
4. Citizen's Diplomacy
Taiwan's
civil society is energetic and talented. The
civil society contains tremendous resources that must be tapped in diplomatic practices. Besides, citizens' participation in diplomatic
matters can facilitate the formation of public consensus. It would also further the
understanding and support of our diplomatic situation. Hence, the crucial diplomatic
strategy of an energetic government is to combine the government's limited resources with
the people's infinite ability to exhibit multi-layered, multifaceted and pluralistic
diplomatic strength. We propose the following:
* Abolish the Overseas Chinese Affairs
Commission and replace it with a special taskforce to organize all overseas Taiwanese
groups and organizations to help advance Taiwan's international interests. The Jewish community provides us with an example
of successful global political organization.
* Promote diplomatic relations through
city-to-city, academic, congressional, political parties, think-tanks, NGO's, youth
volunteers, enterprises, etc., in order to provide additional channels of public access to
participation in foreign affairs and the nation's diplomacy.
* Support and assist private organizations to
join international NGO's such as those in the areas of environmental protection, medical
care, education and culture, etc.
* Taiwan's ruling and opposition parties should
set aside partisan differences, to overcome, based on common national interests, the
internal disputes regarding independence and unification.
We must facilitate communication and coordination between parties, the
government, and the people, so as to seek a consensus on diplomatic strategies and use the
unified forces to confront China's threats and ambitions.
* The new challenges of world order are
increasingly diversified. To meet these challenges, the government should be more flexible
about the recruitment and training of diplomats, and select foreign affairs personnel from
academic, business and overseas Taiwanese sectors.
* Establish an academy for diplomatic training
and use public funding and long-term planning to foster new recruits. Select people with
foreign language proficiency and diplomatic expertise to serve as short-term personnel as
an alternative to compulsory military service. This could both cultivate interests in
diplomatic affairs and provide the necessary training.
5.
Humanitarian Diplomacy
The
nature of diplomatic practices derives from the concern for humanity and respect for
people's welfare. Any diplomatic practices
based merely on concerns for politics and power while disregarding humanitarian interests
and human rights, will eventually fail to win public support. In the post-Cold War era, civilized countries pay
more respect to human life and human rights, in that human rights surpass sovereignty, and
humanitarianism overrides politics. The international concern and cooperation exhibited in
Kosovo, Turkey's earthquakes, and Taiwan's earthquakes testify to the strength of
transnational humanitarian efforts. Therefore, Taiwan's foreign policy must take into
concern humanitarianism and human rights; provide substantive measures to participate in
the international community; and help any country that needs help. We therefore propose:
* Strengthen the functions of the existing
foundations for international cooperation and development, and invite various volunteer
organizations to support regular and critical rescue activities needed by the
international community.
* Facilitate volunteer and youth peace corps
that emphasize altruistic humanitarian assistance. This will not only improve Taiwan's
international image, but also establish more secure friendships worldwide.
* The government should set up a fixed annual
budget for international humanitarian assistance.
* Incorporate private sectors to participate
more effectively in the international community's humanitarian efforts.
* Uphold the principle of universal human rights
and support human rights activism globally.
* Oppose international terrorist actions, or any
violence against civilians, and call for the reconstruction of a just world order.
* Oppose racial discrimination by
upholding respect for human right and support political democratization and economic
development of a free market.
6.
Environmental Diplomacy
The
protection of the environment is closely linked with sustainable development. Diplomatic
practices should not have only short-sighted goals, but include a broader and long-term
perspective. The protection of the environment and sustainable development cannot be
achieved by individual nations. This requires
intensive international cooperation. In the increasingly interconnected global village,
Taiwan should never be excluded from such a mission. Therefore, we propose:
* The government should actively take part in
and abide by international environmental treaties and regulations. Taiwan should seek
domestic reform so as to become an international paradigm to promote environment
protection and sustainable development. After the economic and political miracles, Taiwan
should strive to create a green miracle of environmental protection.
* Promote the international environmental
protection by way of exchanging experience and technology.
In addition, seek to develop a partnership with other governments or civil
societies in environmental protection issues.
* Implement domestic education for environmental
protection to enrich environmental diplomacy, and establish Taiwan as a real Formosa, or
"Beautiful Island."
* Promote the exchange and cooperative programs
such as sister zoos, sister national parks, sister botanic gardens, to draw together
environmental concerns from different countries.
V. Enhancement
of Regional and Bilateral Relationships
1.
Strategy for Taiwan's Participation in International Organizations
The Democratic Progressive Party
believes Taiwan must strive to join United Nations. We do not accept the positions of
other political parties who use the “high degree of difficulty” as their excuse
to neglect this task intentionally or to act timidly in implementation. To join the United Nations is an important goal
of Taiwan's long-term diplomatic struggle. We
must employ any possible means to establish good relations with a wide variety of members
of the international community and not rely solely on the current number of formal
diplomatic partners to accomplish the task.
Upon the completion of the US-China
talks regarding China's entry into the WTO, Taiwan's chance for accession will be realized
soon. This would be the largest international
organization of which Taiwan is a member. Although
the WTO is an economic entity, almost all of its members are important members of the UN. Thus, the WTO would be an important venue for
Taiwan's global participation.
Taiwan's accession into the WTO would
prove that Taiwan could play an international role based on its own economic strength,
even in a hostile environment. The
experience of Taiwan's entry into APEC is similar. Consequently,
in order to enter more international organizations, we propose:
* Strengthening bilateral relationships with members of existing international
organizations in which Taiwan has membership, and seek further cooperation in other
forums.
*
Emphasize economic issues in negotiation rather than state a political
agenda, avoid over-politicization of the Taiwan-China dispute in international
organizations.
*
Emphasize the importance of NGO's in the fields of health care, human
rights, environmental protection, weapons control, education, technology, women's rights,
etc., so as to further Taiwan's obligation as a member of the international community.
2. Foreign Policy Toward the United States
After the Clinton-Jiang summits in
1997 and 1998 and the announcement of Clinton's "three no's" policy, US policy
toward Taiwan has been perceived as gradually leaning toward Beijing. Voices from Washington also suggested that both
sides of the strait sign an "interim agreement."
President Lee Teng-hui announced on July, 9, 1999 the "special
state-to-state" relations which caused the US government great anxiety regarding
cross-strait relations. The DPP has
consistently expressed to American political groups and scholars the position that even if
in power, we would not declare independence because it is unnecessary to do so when Taiwan
is already de facto independent. In
following, we suggest:
*
Clarify policy positions in order to dissipate worries and
misperceptions the US has toward Taiwan.
* Enhance overall understanding of US Foreign policy rather than only observe
US attitude regarding cross-strait relations.
* Promote high level official meetings between Taiwan and US, including even
the possibility of setting up an emergency hotline between the leadership.
*
Improve communications with US bureaucracy to secure Taiwan's interest
and sustain US support in protecting Taiwan's security.
*
Lobby the US Congress to further the protection of Taiwan's interest.
*
Enhance connections with the American people and its business sector in
order to broaden Taiwan-US relations.
*
Promote dialogue and the exchange of ideas through "Track II
diplomacy."
* Employ
the US media's influence to clearly express Taiwan's position and policies so as to
increase American understanding of Taiwan.
3. Foreign Policy Toward Northeastern Asia
The situation in northeastern Asia
became highly unstable after North Korea launched the "Taepo Dong 2" missile
over Japan in August 1998. The confrontation
between the North Korean government and the international nonproliferation regime has
created a time bomb in the Korean Peninsula. Thus,
the US and Japan have been working to develop the "Theatre Missile Defense" and
strengthen US-Japan Security Alliance. Discussions have also involved the possibility of
including Taiwan in the plan. The security of
the Korean Peninsula is of vital interest to Taiwan.
Taiwan should express its concern through various efforts.
The South Korean government's
"Sunshine Policy", based on reconciliation with North Korea, has yet to be
achieved. Russia's weak economy and unstable
government have come to international attention. In
the face of so many uncertainties, we propose:
--Japan
*
Further communications among political parties and establish local
government diplomacy to break through the current unofficial relations;
* Gain better understanding of Japan's Policy toward Taiwan through more
contacts with the Japanese government.
*
Encourage scholars and think-tanks which concentrate on the study of
Japan to exchange ideas with their Japanese counterparts through conferences and academic
exchanges. This would convey to Japan the importance of Taiwan.
*
Increase contacts with the new generation of political figures for
mutual understanding.
*
The long-term goal is to form a common interest regarding the security
of the Pacific-Asia region, while at the same time, establish a three way security network
among the US, Japan and Taiwan.
--Korean
Peninsula
*
Strengthen communications with South Korea government, political
parties and Parliament.
*
Use the principles of sincerity and reciprocity in negotiating with the
South Korean government regarding the resumption of air links between South Korea and
Taiwan.
* Encourage North Korea's abandonment of authoritarianism in order to accept
the regulations of the international community through humanitarian efforts, trade and
agricultural aid.
--Russia
* Evaluate
Taiwan's long-term prospects for investing in Russia.
* Assist the
reconstruction of Russia's economy.
*
Encourage academic exchange to foster experts and set up institutions
in Russian studies.
*
Enhance technology exchange between Taiwan and Russia.
4. Foreign Policy Toward Southeast Asia
Taiwan has invested heavily in
Southeast Asian countries that have recently experienced an economic crisis. Many of these countries have gradually recovered
and thus it is time for Taiwan to reevaluate the timing for investment again. Southeast Asia not only provides an alternative
investment option, but it also provides limits on China's economic influence and increases
Taiwan's political connections.
The territorial dispute over the
South China sea should be resolved by joint resource exploration and profit-sharing by all
parties. Taiwan should strongly express its
sentiments to prevent its exclusion from any resolution. We
suggest:
*
Foreign Policy toward southeast Asia must be comprehensive in its
overall framework. Eventually, the framework
should expand to cooperation with the Middle East and India.
*
Although Taiwan cannot enter the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN), it can through participation in APEC and interaction with other Asian countries
seek bilateral cooperation.
* Taiwan may not be a member of the ASEAN Regional Forum, but it can explore
other countries' positions and express its own security concerns through "Track
II" channels.
*
Establish an institute for southeast Asian studies to foster political
and economic talents.
* Political party connections and alliances can complement the lack of formal
diplomatic relations.
5. Foreign Policy Toward Europe
Since the Euro dollar came into use in
Euroland in January, 1999, it has made a historical mark for itself. If the European Monetary Union is successful,
then it will have great influence on global economy and financial development. Politically, we have observed that nine out of
eleven member countries of the EMU are governed by left wing parties espousing the
"Third Way." We must keep observing
the latest situation of social-democrats in Europe.
The
traditional foreign channels of Taiwan have focused on the United States and Japan. But more attention must be paid to European trends
and the growing significance of the Euro.
Besides, compared to other countries,
European countries add more emphasis on issues of human rights, environmental protection
and humanitarian efforts, and thus, they are less likely to succumb to China's
suppression. Such a tendency works in favor
of Taiwan's position. With respect to China,
we recommend:
* Advance European countries' understanding of Taiwan through artistic and
cultural exchanges and promotion.
*
To diversify Taiwan's overseas investments, evaluate the opportunities
to invest in Europe.
* Work on the
possibility of developing corporate strategic alliances.
*
Increase contacts with parties of different ideologies to expand
political connections.
* Train experts
in European languages and studies.
* Evaluate and study the developments of the European Union and the Euro for
the purpose of further interaction.
6. Policy Toward Foreign Aid
Taiwan's economic strength is
sufficient to finance a foreign aid program. After
the earthquake of September 21, 1999, Taiwan directly experienced the importance of
foreign aid. Foreign aid policy can not only
expand Taiwan's international role, but also help other countries in need. Concerning the development of Taiwan's foreign
relations, a foreign aid policy would have a positive impact.
* Legislate a
foreign aid law as soon as possible.
*
Estimate the receiving country's needs and explore the most efficient
method in order to maximize the amount of support.
* Utilize bilateral and multilateral channels concurrently.
* Learn the expertise from international organizations as well as strengthen
the relationship with them. Encourage civilian participation in foreign aid projects in
order to increase domestic needs.
7. Foreign Policy Toward Other Areas
Advance bilateral and multilateral
relationships with Africa, Latin America and other areas based on the principle of
economic reciprocity, cultural exchange, technological cooperation and humanitarian
efforts.
VI. Conclusion
We have to re-emphasize that without a comprehensive
understanding of the new century's international situation, Taiwan will be led back to the
old impasse of the twentieth century.
Taiwan's
leader of the next century should have the courage to reform, to get rid of the
conservative, short-sighted tradition in Taiwan's diplomatic culture, and to reconfigure
new diplomatic strategies.
Taiwan's
leader of the new century should build a more energetic and visionary government in order
to deal with global affairs by pragmatic and long-range operations.
We are
not satisfied with the existing government that embraces "the contest of the number
of countries with diplomatic relationships" or "leadership diplomacy" as
the key strategies to breakthrough Taiwan's diplomatic space. The main reason why Taiwan's
foreign policy has been in regress is that the leaders and the decision-makers embrace a
very biased and narrow perspective. The design of foreign policy should consider long-term
effectiveness and sustainability.
The
leader of the new century is obliged to give an open and responsible explanation to the
people about the importance of reforming foreign policy.
The DPP's alternative is a new Middle Way based on new internationalism and
premised on the balance between "sovereign independence", and the advancement of
interests. The implementation of
"democratic diplomacy", "economic and trade diplomacy,"
"citizen's diplomacy," "humanitarian diplomacy" and
"environmental diplomacy" will be key.
The
conflicts and contradictions in the world system constitute challenges for the development
of the international society in the new century. Through
patience and hard work, the DPP strives to transform these challenges into opportunities
for Taiwan's pursuit of broader international space.
Democratic
Progressive Party
DPP
Mission in the United States
|
